Recently, I was listening to a series of lectures based on Democracy in America the classic review of politics and society in the United States during the 1830s. Alexis de Tocqueville (1805 – 1859) was a young Frenchman who visited the United States for nine months in 1831 and 1832. Ostensibly, he was here on behest of the French government to review the prison system. His personal goals were much broader.
He and a friend, Gustav de Beaumont, visited much of the United States. They interviewed citizens, reviewed documents, attended community meetings and observed federal, state, and local governmental activities of all branches: executive, legislative and judicial. They also collected books, newspapers, and documents. They visited cities and rural areas in the north and in the south. They even ventured as far as Wisconsin, then western edge of the American Frontier.
While they did produce a report on American prisons, which were then relatively progressive in the United States compared to the rest of the world, de Tocqueville had in mind all along that he would write a critique of the United States as he saw it. This eventually became a four-volume set published between 1835 and 1856.
I first became familiar with de Tocqueville when I read a much-abridged version of Democracy in America for an Early American History course. I believe it was probably about 250 pages. That is brief compared to the 926-page behemoth that I recently bought online.
I was interested not so much in what I remembered from my previous reading of his works as I was with what I didn’t remember. In particular, in one of his last chapters, de Tocqueville talks about the conditions under which despotism may arise in America.
As I have done previously with the writings of historic people, I’m going to present de Tocqueville’s writings in his own words without comment or analysis by me. Keep in mind that he wrote 180 years ago. It’s not as amazing that he got some things wrong, as it is how much insight he had into the problems that may potentially arise in America.
The excerpts in this post are from Book 4, Chapter 6: What Sort of Despotism Democratic Nations have to Fear.
I had remarked during my stay in the United States, the democratic state of society, similar to that of the Americans, might offer singular facilities for the establishment of despotism; and I perceived, upon my return to Europe, how much use had already been made by most of our rulers, of the notions, the sentiments, and the wants engendered by this same social condition, for the purpose of extending the circle of their power.
But it would seem, that if despotism were to be established among the democratic nations of our days it might assume a different character; It would be more extensive and more mild; It would degrade men without tormenting them.
I think then that the species of oppression by which democratic nations are menaced is unlike anything which ever existed before in the world: our contemporaries will find no prototypes in their memories. I’m trying myself to choose an expression which will accurately convey the whole of the idea I have formed of it, but in vain; the old words “despotism” and “tyranny “ are inappropriate: the thing itself is new; and since I cannot name, it I must attempt to define it.
The first thing that strikes the observation is an innumerable multitude of men all equal and alike incessantly endeavoring to procure the petty and poultry pleasures which they glut their lives. Each of them, living apart, is a stranger to the fate of all the rest – his children and his private friends constitute to him the whole world of mankind; as for the rest of his fellow citizens, he feels them not; exists but in himself and for himself alone; and if his kindred will remain with him, he may be said at any rate to have lost his country.
Above this race of men stands an immense and tutelary power… That power is absolute, minute, regular, provident, and mild. It would be like the authority of a parent, if, like that authority, its object was to prepare men for manhood; but it seeks on the contrary to keep them in perpetual childhood: it is well content that the people should rejoice, provided they think nothing but rejoicing.
… What remains, but to spare them all the cares of thinking and all the troubles of living?
After having thus successfully taken each member of the community into its powerful grasp, and fashioned them at will, the supreme power then extends its arm over the whole community. It covers the surface of society with a network of small, complicated rules, minute and uniform, though which the most original minds and the most energetic characters cannot penetrate, to rise above the crowd. The will of man is not shattered, but softened, bent, and guided: men are seldom forced to act but they’re constantly restrained from acting… It does not tyrannize but it compresses, innervates, extinguishes, and stupefies the people…
Subjugation in minor affairs breaks out every day, and is felt by the whole community indiscriminately. It does not drive men to resistance, but it crosses them at every turn, till they are led to surrender the exercise of their will.
It is in vain to summon the people, which has been rendered so dependent on the central power, to choose from time to time the representative of that power; this rare and brief exercise of their free choice, however important it may be, will not prevent them from gradually losing the facilities of thinking, feeling and acting for themselves and thus gradually falling below the level of humanity. It had that they will soon become incapable of exercising the great and only privilege which remains to them.
The nations of our time cannot prevent the conditions of men from becoming equal; but it depends upon themselves whether the principle of equality is to lead them to servitude or freedom, to knowledge or barbarism, to prosperity or to wretchedness.
The illustration at the beginning of this post is not intended to be a portrait of de Tocqueville, but rather illustrative of the time.
A Book Report
By John Turley
On September 8, 2024
In Commentary, History, Politics
On Tyranny: Twenty Lessons From The Twentieth Century
Timothy Snyder
I don’t believe I have written a book report since I was a freshman in college. This is a small book that I believe is well worth your time to read. I mean small book quite literally. It’s about 4 1/2 inches by 6 1/2 inches and only about 126 pages of fairly wide spaced text. You can read the entire book in an afternoon and still have time left over. The book is also available as an audiobook, and it’s combined with Twenty New Lessons From Russia’s War On Ukraine. I got the audio book and listened to it as well. That will take about eight hours to complete.
I’m calling this a book report rather than a book review because I want to tell you what’s in the book rather than what I think about it so that you can form your own opinion. First, I’ll give you an overall impression. It’s thought provoking and raises issues of concern to us today. You may not agree with it. I don’t agree with everything that he said. I found some of his 20 lessons to be redundant because I thought he was stretching to get 20 lessons for the 20th century. I also found one or two of them to be painfully obvious. What follows is just a summary of the book. Read it and e-mail me or call me if you’d like to discuss it. I will send the book to the first person who asks for it, but only if you promise to pass it on when you’re finished.
Doctor Snyder is a professor of history at Yale University. He specializes in Central and Eastern Europe and has spent considerable time in Ukraine. He’s the author of 15 books and reads five European languages and can converse in ten.
Preface
The book begins with a preface in which Doctor Snyder establishes the importance of historical awareness. He describes the failure of some 20th century European democracies and their descent into authoritarian rule. He uses these examples to illustrate how democracy cannot be taken for granted. He makes the argument that democracy is fragile and must be defended. He further argues that even in the United States, the continuation of our democracy is not a given and we must fight for freedom and maintain constant vigilance over our democratic processes.
Each of his twenty lessons is contained in a separate chapter, varying from a few pages to a single sentence.
The Twenty Lessons
Epilogue
The book concludes with an epilogue entitled History and Liberty. In the epilogue Doctor Snyder discusses his theories of the Politics of Inevitability and the Politics of Eternity.
The Politics of Inevitability is the belief that history naturally progresses in a linear forward direction typically towards a better future. It assumes that liberal democracy and capitalism will inevitably spread across the world leading to a more prosperous and freer global system. Human forces are seen as predictable and human activity is often downplayed. People who live under the politics of inevitability tend to believe that the current state of affairs will persist because it represents the end point of political and economic evolution.
The Politics of Eternity, on the other hand, rejects the linear progression of history and emphasizes a cyclical view. It supposes that nations are perpetually threatened by external forces. It glorifies a supposed golden age of the past that is idealized and mythologized. It views current politics as a struggle to return to that idealized past.
I found his discussions to be more theoretical than practical. I can see aspects of both in most current societies. I invite you to please read this and I would love to discuss it. I may be missing something in his presentation of inevitability and eternity.
In Conclusion
If you are concerned about the survival of democracy, read this book.