New Year’s resolutions—a practice where individuals set goals or make promises to improve their lives in the upcoming year—have a rich and varied history spanning thousands of years. While the concept of self-improvement at the start of a new year feels distinctly modern, its origins are deeply rooted in ancient civilizations and religious traditions that understood the psychological power of fresh starts.
Origins of New Year’s Resolutions
The tradition of making promises at the start of a new year can be traced back over 4,000 years to ancient Babylon. During their 12-day festival called Akitu, held in mid-March to coincide with the spring harvest and planting season, Babylonians made solemn vows to their gods. These promises typically involved practical matters like repaying debts and returning borrowed items, reflecting the agricultural society’s emphasis on community obligations and divine favor. The Babylonians believed that success in fulfilling these promises would curry favor with their deities, ensuring good harvests and prosperity in the year ahead.
The practice evolved significantly when Julius Caesar reformed the Roman calendar in 46 BCE and established January 1 as the official start of the new year. This wasn’t an arbitrary choice—January was named after Janus, the two-faced Roman god of beginnings, endings, doorways, and transitions. The symbolism was perfect: one face looking back at the year past, the other gazing forward to the future. Romans offered sacrifices to Janus and made promises of good conduct for the coming year, combining reflection on past mistakes with optimism about future improvements.
By the Middle Ages, the focus shifted dramatically toward religious observance. In early Christianity, the first day of the year became a time of prayer, spiritual reflection, and making pious resolutions aimed at becoming better Christians. One of the most colorful New Year’s traditions from this era was the “Peacock Vow,” practiced by Christian knights. At the end of the Christmas season, these knights would reaffirm their commitment to knightly virtue while feasting on roast peacock at elaborate New Year’s celebrations. The peacock, a symbol of pride and nobility, served as the centerpiece for vows promising good behavior and chivalric deeds during the coming year.
In the 17th century, Puritans brought particular intensity to the practice of New Year’s resolutions, focusing them squarely on spiritual and moral improvement. Rather than the broad promises of earlier eras, Puritan resolutions were detailed and specific. They committed to avoiding pride and vanity, practicing charity and liberality toward others, refraining from revenge even when wronged, controlling anger in daily interactions, speaking no evil of their neighbors, and living every aspect of their lives aligned with strict religious principles. Beyond these behavioral commitments, they also resolved to study scriptures diligently throughout the year, improve their religious devotion on a weekly basis, and continually renew their dedication to God. These resolutions were taken with utmost seriousness, often recorded in personal journals and reviewed regularly.
In 1740, John Wesley, the founder of Methodism, formalized this spiritual approach by creating the Covenant Renewal Service, traditionally held on New Year’s Eve or New Year’s Day. These powerful gatherings encouraged participants to reflect deeply on the past year’s failings and successes while making resolutions for spiritual growth in the year ahead. This tradition continues in many Methodist churches today.
Interestingly, the first known use of the specific phrase “New Year’s Resolution” appeared in a Boston newspaper called Walker’s Hibernian Magazine in 1813. The article took a humorous tone, discussing how people broke their New Year’s vows almost as soon as they made them—a wry observation that suggests nothing much has changed over the last 212 years.
The Modern Evolution of New Year’s Resolutions
The secularization of New Year’s resolutions accelerated during the 19th and 20th centuries as Western societies became increasingly diverse and less uniformly religious. Self-improvement and personal growth gradually took precedence over religious vows, though the underlying psychology remained similar. The rise of print media played a crucial role in popularizing the practice beyond religious communities. Newspapers and magazines began publishing advice columns on how to set and achieve goals, turning what had been a primarily spiritual practice into a secular ritual of self-betterment.
The industrial revolution and urbanization also influenced the nature of resolutions. As more people moved to cities and took on wage labor, resolutions began to reflect modern concerns like career advancement, financial stability, and managing the stress of urban life. The self-help movement of the 20th century, spurred by books like Dale Carnegie’s “How to Win Friends and Influence People” and Norman Vincent Peale’s “The Power of Positive Thinking,” further embedded the idea that individuals could transform themselves through conscious effort and goal-setting.
By the 21st century, resolutions were firmly established in Western culture as a beloved tradition of hope and renewal, no longer tied to any particular religious framework. The internet age brought new dimensions to the practice, with social media allowing people to publicly declare their resolutions, fitness tracking apps enabling data-driven self-improvement, and online communities providing support and accountability.
Common New Year’s Resolutions
Resolutions tend to reflect both cultural priorities and universal human aspirations. When researchers survey what people resolve to change, recurring themes emerge that tell us something about areas of discontent in contemporary life. Health and fitness consistently dominate the list, with millions of people vowing to lose weight, exercise more regularly, and eat healthier foods. The popularity of these goals reflects our sedentary modern lifestyles, abundant processed foods, and the cultural premium placed on physical appearance and wellness.
Personal development goals are another major category. People promise themselves they will finally learn that new skill they’ve been putting off, read more books instead of scrolling through social media, and manage their time better to reduce stress and increase productivity. These resolutions speak to a desire for intellectual growth and a nagging sense that we’re not living up to our full potential.
Financial goals also rank high on most people’s resolution lists. Many resolve to save more money for the future, pay off debts that have been accumulating, or stick to a budget instead of impulse spending. These financial resolutions often stem from anxiety about economic security and a recognition that small daily choices compound into major financial consequences over time.
Relationship and community-focused resolutions reflect our social nature and the loneliness epidemic affecting many developed nations. People vow to spend more quality time with family and friends rather than staying busy with work and distractions. They plan to volunteer and to give back to their communities in meaningful ways. They hope to strengthen the social bonds that are crucial to happiness and longevity.
Finally, breaking bad habits remains a perennial favorite. Traditional vices like smoking and excessive alcohol consumption still top many lists, but modern resolutions also target newer concerns like limiting screen time and reducing smartphone addiction. These goals acknowledge how difficult it is to maintain healthy habits in an environment designed to encourage overconsumption and instant gratification.
The Success Rate of Resolutions
Despite their enduring popularity, New Year’s resolutions are notoriously difficult to keep. Multiple studies estimate that approximately 80% of resolutions fail by February, often crashing and burning within just a few days of January 1st. The reasons for this high failure rate are both psychological and practical. Many people set overly ambitious goals without considering the realistic constraints of their lives or the sustained effort needed for meaningful change. Others make vague resolutions like “get healthier” without specific action steps or measurable milestones.
Research in behavioral psychology suggests that setting realistic, measurable, and time-bound goals—often called SMART goals (Specific, Measurable, Achievable, Relevant, and Time-bound)—can significantly improve success rates. Rather than resolving to “exercise more,” for example, a SMART goal would be “go to the gym for 30 minutes every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday morning.” The specificity provides clear direction, and the measurability allows for tracking progress and celebrating small victories along the way.
However, it’s worth noting that most people approach their New Year’s resolutions more as a fun tradition than with serious anticipation that they will actually keep them. There’s a ritualistic, almost playful quality to the practice—we know the odds are against us, but we participate anyway, embracing the hopeful symbolism of a fresh start even if we suspect we’ll be back to our old habits before Valentine’s Day.
The Significance of Resolutions Today
New Year’s resolutions persist across centuries and cultures because they align with a fundamental human desire for self-improvement and the psychological comfort of fresh starts. The appeal of marking time with calendars and treating January 1st as somehow special—despite being astronomically arbitrary—speaks to our need for narrative structure in our lives. Whether rooted in ancient Babylonian pledges to repay debts, Roman sacrifices to Janus, Christian vows of spiritual renewal, or modern goals to lose ten pounds, resolutions represent an enduring belief in the potential for change.
The tradition reminds us that humans have always struggled with the gap between who we are and who we aspire to be, and that we’ve always believed, however naively, that marking a new beginning on the calendar might help us bridge that gap. Even if our resolutions fail more often than they succeed, the very act of making them reaffirms our agency and our hope that we can become better versions of ourselves with just a bit of conscious effort.
Sources:
History.com provides comprehensive coverage of New Year’s resolution traditions: https://www.history.com/news/the-history-of-new-years-resolutions
Britannica offers detailed information on Janus and Roman New Year traditions: https://www.britannica.com/topic/Janus-Roman-god
The Smithsonian Magazine explores New Year’s countdown traditions and their historical context: https://www.smithsonianmag.com/science-nature/why-do-we-count-down-to-the-new-year-180961433/
Anthony Aveni’s “The Book of the Year: A Brief History of Our Seasonal Holidays” provides scholarly analysis of New Year’s traditions across cultures.
Kaila Curry’s article “The Ancient History of New Year’s Resolutions” traces the practice from Babylonian times through modern era.
Joshua O’Driscoll’s research on “The Peacock Vows” documents medieval chivalric New Year’s traditions, excerpted in various historical compilations.
I particularly like this quotation. It is similar to the more modern version: Those who don’t learn from the past are doomed to repeat it. However, I much prefer the former because it seems to be more in the form of advice or instruction. The latter seems to be more of a dire warning. Though I suspect, given the current state of the world, a dire warning is in order.
But regardless of whether it comes in the form of advice or warning, people today do not seem to heed the importance of studying the past. The knowledge of history in our country is woeful. The lack of emphasis on the teaching of history in general and specifically American history, is shameful. While it is tempting to blame it on the lack of interest on the part of the younger generation, I find people my own age also have little appreciation of the events that shaped our nation, the world and their lives. Without this understanding, how can we evaluate what is currently happening and understand what we must do to come together as a nation and as a world.
I have always found history to be a fascinating subject. Biographies and nonfiction historical books remain among my favorite reading. In college I always added one or two history courses every semester to raise my grade point average. Even in college I found it strange that many of my friends hated history courses and took only the minimum. At the time, I didn’t realize just how serious this lack of historical perspective was to become.
Several years ago I became aware of just how little historical knowledge most people had. At the time Jay Leno was still doing his late-night show and he had a segment called Jaywalking. During the segment he would ask people in the street questions that were somewhat esoteric and to which he could expect to get unusual and generally humorous answers. On one show, on the 4th of July, he asked people “From what country did the United States declare independence on the 4th of July?” and of course no one knew the answer.
My first thought was that he must have gone through dozens of people to find the four or five people who did not know the answer to his question. The next day at work, the 5th of July, I decided to ask several people, all of whom were college graduates, the same question. I got not one single correct answer. Although, one person at least realized “I think I should know this”. When I told my wife, a retired teacher, she wasn’t surprised. For a long time, she had been concerned about the lack of emphasis on social studies and the arts in school curriculums. I was becoming seriously concerned about the direction of education in our country.
A lot of people are probably thinking “So what, who really cares what a bunch of dead people did 200 years ago?” If we don’t know what they did and why they did it how can we understand its relevance today? We have no way to judge what actions may support the best interests of society and what might ultimately be detrimental.
Failure to learn from and understand the past results in a me-centric view of everything. If you fail to understand how things have developed, then you certainly cannot understand what the best course is to go forward. Attempting to judge all people and events of the past through your own personal prejudices leads only to continued and worsening conflict.
If you study the past you will see that there has never general agreement on anything. There were many disagreements, debates and even a civil war over differences of opinion. It helps us to understand that there are no perfect people who always do everything the right way and at the right time. It helps us to appreciate the good that people do while understanding the human weaknesses that led to the things that we consider faults today. In other words, we cannot expect anyone to be a 100% perfect person. They may have accomplished many good and meaningful things and those good and meaningful things should not be discarded because the person was also a human being with human flaws.
Understanding the past does not mean approving of everything that occurred but it also means not condemning everything that does not fit into twenty-first century mores. Only by recognizing this and seeing what led to the disasters of the past can we hope to avoid repetition of the worst aspects of our history. History teaches lessons in compromise, involvement and understanding. Failure to recognize that leads to strident argument and an unwillingness to cooperate with those who may differ in even the slightest way. Rather than creating the hoped-for perfect society, it simply leads to a new set of problems and a new group of grievances.
In sum, failure to study history is a failure to prepare for the future. We owe it to ourselves and future generations to understand where we came from and how we can best prepare our country and the world for them. They deserve nothing less than a full understanding of the past and a rational way forward.
This was my first post after I started my blog in 2021. I believe it is even more relevant now.
You’ve probably heard the whispers—the Freemasons secretly controlled the American Revolution, George Washington wore a special apron, and there’s a hidden pyramid on the dollar bill. It’s the kind of thing that sounds like it came straight from a Nicolas Cage movie. But like most historical legends, the real story is more interesting (and less conspiratorial) than the mythology.
So, what’s the actual deal with Freemasons and America’s founding? Let’s dig in.
What Even Is Freemasonry?
First things first: Freemasonry started out as actual stonemasons’ guilds back in medieval Europe—think guys who built cathedrals sharing trade secrets. But by the early 1700s, it had transformed into something completely different: a philosophical club where educated men gathered to discuss big ideas about morality, reason, and how to be better humans.
The secrecy? That was part of the appeal. Lodges had rituals and passwords, sure, but the core values weren’t exactly hidden. Freemasons were all about Enlightenment thinking—liberty, equality, the pursuit of knowledge. Basically, the kind of stuff that gets you excited if you’re the type who actually enjoys reading philosophy books.
In colonial America, joining a Masonic lodge was a bit like joining an elite networking group today, except instead of swapping business cards, you discussed natural rights and wore fancy aprons. Lawyers, merchants, printers—the educated professional class—flocked to lodges for both the intellectual stimulation and the social connections.
The Founding Fathers: Who Was Actually In?
Let’s separate fact from fiction when it comes to which founders were card-carrying Masons.
Definitely Masons:
George Washington became a Master Mason at 21 in 1753. He wasn’t the most active member—he didn’t attend meetings constantly—but he took it seriously enough to wear his Masonic apron when he laid the cornerstone of the U.S. Capitol in 1793. That’s a pretty public endorsement.
Benjamin Franklin was perhaps the most dedicated Mason among the founders. Initiated in 1731, he eventually became Grand Master of Pennsylvania’s Grand Lodge and helped establish lodges in France during his diplomatic stint. Franklin was basically the poster child for Enlightenment Masonry.
Paul Revere—yes, that Paul Revere—was Grand Master of Massachusetts. His midnight ride gets all the attention, but his Masonic connections were just as important to his Revolutionary activities.
John Hancock also served as Grand Master of Massachusetts. His oversized signature on the Declaration was matched by his outsized commitment to Masonic ideals.
John Marshall, the Chief Justice who shaped American constitutional law, was a dedicated Mason. So was James Monroe, the fifth president.
Here’s a fun stat: of the 56 signers of the Declaration of Independence, at least nine (about 16%) were Masons. Among the 39 who signed the Constitution, roughly thirteen (33%) belonged to the fraternity.
The Maybes:
Thomas Jefferson? Probably not a Mason, despite endless conspiracy theories. There’s no solid evidence of membership, though his Enlightenment philosophy certainly sounded Masonic. His buddy the Marquis de Lafayette was definitely in, which hasn’t helped dispel the rumors.
Alexander Hamilton? The evidence is murky. Some historians think his writings hint at Masonic sympathies, but there’s no membership record.
Definitely Not:
John Adams wasn’t a Mason and was actually skeptical of secret societies. He still believed in many of the same principles, though—virtue, republican government, that sort of thing.
Did the Masons Really Influence the Revolution?
Here’s where it gets interesting. No, the Freemasons didn’t sit around a lodge plotting revolution like some shadowy cabal. But did their ideas and networks matter? Absolutely.
Think about what Masonic lodges provided: a space where educated colonists could meet, discuss radical ideas about natural rights and self-governance, and build trust across colonial boundaries—all without British officials breathing down their necks. These lodges brought together men from different colonies, different religious backgrounds (Anglicans, Quakers, Deists), and different social classes.
The radical part? Inside a lodge, everyone met “on the level.” It didn’t matter if you were born rich or poor—merit and virtue determined your standing. That’s pretty revolutionary thinking in the 1700s when most of the world still believed some people were just born better than others. Sound familiar? “All men are created equal” has a similar ring to it.
Freemasonry also championed religious tolerance. You had to believe in some kind of Supreme Being, but that was it—no specific creed required. This ecumenical approach directly influenced the founders’ commitment to religious freedom and separation of church and state.
The Masonic motto about moving “from darkness to light” through knowledge wasn’t just ritualistic mumbo-jumbo. It reflected genuine Enlightenment belief in reason and progress—the same intellectual current that powered revolutionary thinking.
What About All That Symbolism?
Okay, let’s address the pyramid and the all-seeing eye on the dollar bill. Are they Masonic? Maybe, maybe not. The Great Seal of the United States definitely uses imagery that Masons also used—but so did lots of 18th-century groups drawing on Enlightenment and classical symbolism. The connection is debated among historians.
What’s undeniable is that Masonic culture emphasized architecture and building as metaphors for constructing a just society. When Washington laid that Capitol cornerstone in his Masonic apron, he was making a statement about building something enduring and meaningful.
The “Conspiracy” Question
Let’s be clear: there was no Masonic conspiracy to create America. The fraternity wasn’t even unified—lodges operated independently, and members included both patriots and loyalists. Officially, Masonic organizations tried to stay neutral during the Revolution, though obviously that didn’t work out perfectly when the war split families and communities.
What is true is that many of the Revolution’s most articulate, influential leaders happened to be Masons. And the fraternity’s values—liberty, equality, reason, fraternity—aligned perfectly with revolutionary ideology. Correlation, not conspiracy.
After the Revolution, Freemasonry exploded in popularity. It became associated with the Enlightenment values that had supposedly won the day. Future presidents including Andrew Jackson, James Polk, and Theodore Roosevelt were all Masons. At its 19th-century peak, an estimated one in five American men belonged to a lodge.
What’s the Bottom Line?
The Freemason influence on America’s founding is real, but it’s cultural rather than conspiratorial. The lodges provided a space where Enlightenment ideas could circulate, where colonial leaders could build networks of trust, and where egalitarian principles could be practiced in miniature.
Washington, Franklin, Hancock, and the others weren’t sitting in smoke-filled rooms with secret handshakes planning to overthrow the British crown. They were part of a broader philosophical movement that valued personal improvement, moral virtue, and human rights. The Masonic lodge was one venue—among many—where those ideas took root.
Freemasonry was one tributary feeding into the river of revolutionary thought, along with classical republicanism, British common law, various religious traditions, and plain old grievances about taxes and representation.
The real story is somehow simpler and more fascinating than the conspiracy theories: a bunch of educated colonists joined a fraternity that encouraged them to think big thoughts about human nature and just governance. Those thoughts, debated in lodges and taverns and town halls, eventually sparked a revolution.
Not because of secret symbols or mysterious rituals, but because ideas about liberty and equality—once you start taking them seriously—are genuinely revolutionary.
True confession—The Grumpy Doc is not now, nor has he ever been, a Mason.
When we think about what makes cities possible, agriculture usually gets top billing. Without a steady food surplus, people could not have stopped foraging long enough to become artisans, priests, merchants, or kings. But once people clustered into towns and cities, another, less glamorous need quickly emerged: what to do with all the waste. While no one likes to think about it, without effective methods for sewage disposal cities would quickly become uninhabitable.
When you consider the foundations of modern civilization, sewers probably don’t make your top ten list. But these underground networks deserve way more credit than they get. It is no exaggeration to say that sewage systems—whether open drains in the street or vast subterranean tunnels—were one of the most important technologies that made large cities livable. The story of sewers is really the story of how humans figured out how to live together in large numbers without, well, dying from our own waste.
The Ancient World Gets Creative
The earliest cities faced a pretty basic problem: what do you do with human and animal waste when you’ve got thousands of people living close together? The ancient Indus Valley civilization (around 2600-1900 BCE) came up with one of the first solutions. Archaeological evidence from Harappa and Mohenjo-daro shows they built covered drains and even had individual house connections—pretty impressive for 4,000 years ago.
The Romans, being Romans, took this concept and ran with it. The Cloaca Maxima, built around 600 BCE, started as an open drainage canal but eventually became Rome’s main sewer system. What made Roman sewers special wasn’t just their size, but how they integrated with aqueducts to create a flow-through system that actually worked.
Speculation alert: While we know the Romans understood the practical benefits of sewers, they probably didn’t fully grasp the disease prevention aspect in the way we do today.
The Medieval Mess
After Rome fell, European cities pretty much forgot how to manage waste properly. Medieval cities relied on a charming system where people just dumped waste into the streets, hoping rain would wash it away. Some cities built latrines that emptied into rivers, but most urban waste management was… let’s call it “informal.”
This wasn’t just gross—it was deadly. Cities regularly faced outbreaks of cholera, dysentery, and typhoid, though people didn’t yet understand the connection between contaminated water and disease.
London’s Wake-Up Call
The turning point came in 19th-century London. By the 1850s, the Thames had become essentially an open sewer, and the city’s water supply was contaminated. The “Great Stink” of 1858 made the problem impossible to ignore. The smell from the Thames was so bad that Parliament couldn’t meet. When something smells worse than politics you know that’s bad.
Enter Joseph Bazalgette, chief engineer of London’s Metropolitan Board of Works. His solution was ambitious: build a comprehensive sewer network that would intercept waste before it reached the Thames and carry it downstream to treatment facilities. The system, completed in the 1870s, used gravity and the natural slope of the land to move waste through a network of tunnels—some large enough to drive a carriage through.
Who wouldn’t love the idea that a man named Thomas Crapper invented the flush toilet. But that’s not quite true. Variations of the flush toilet have been around for over 2000 years. In 1775, a man named Alexander Cummings invented the S-trap—a curved pipe that prevented sewer gases from backing up into the home—making toilets finally tolerable for indoor use. While Mr. Crapper did not invent the toilet, he did make it functional enough to be routinely installed in homes by creating a workable ballcock mechanism to allow reliable flushing. He also marketed a toilet of his own design, leading to the now familiar nickname of “the crapper.”
Reversing A River
Chicago’s development of a sewer system was a landmark feat of engineering and urban planning in the 19th century. Faced with flat, swampy terrain and rapid population growth, the city recruited engineer Ellis S. Chesbrough in 1855 to design the first comprehensive underground sewer system in the United States. Because the landscape offered little natural drainage, the entire city center had to be physically raised by several feet—an ambitious task that involved elevating streets and even entire buildings above their original grade to allow for gravity-based drainage into the Chicago River.
Apparently, no one realized this would pollute Lake Michigan, the city’s main drinking water source, a classic example of unintended consequences. This led to further innovation, including the construction of a tunnel extending two miles under the lake to bring in cleaner water (completed in 1866) and, ultimately, the monumental reversal of the Chicago River’s flow in 1900. This project diverted wastewater away from the lake and toward the Mississippi basin, following the time-tested political solution of sending your problems downstream.
The Science Behind the Solution
What made modern sewer systems revolutionary wasn’t just engineering—it was the growing understanding of how disease spreads. Dr. John Snow’s work during London’s 1854 cholera outbreak proved that contaminated water, not “bad air,” was spreading the disease. This discovery gave city planners the scientific backing they needed to invest heavily in sewer infrastructure.
Modern sewer systems work on relatively simple principles: gravity moves waste through sloped pipes to treatment facilities, where biological and chemical processes break down harmful materials before releasing treated water back into the environment. The key innovation was creating separate systems for stormwater and sewage, preventing overflow during heavy rains.
Cities Transform
The impact was immediate and dramatic. Cities with comprehensive sewer systems saw massive drops in waterborne diseases. Life expectancy increased, child mortality plummeted, and for the first time in human history, really large cities became livable spaces rather than death traps.
Sewers enabled urban growth on an unprecedented scale. Without sewers, cities like New York, Chicago, and London couldn’t support populations in the millions. The investment in underground infrastructure became the foundation for everything else—commerce, industry, culture—that makes cities economic powerhouses.
Modern Challenges
Today’s sewer systems face new challenges. Climate change brings more intense storms that can overwhelm older systems. Growing populations strain infrastructure that was built decades ago. Many cities are dealing with the expensive reality that sewer systems, built to last 50-100 years have outlived their life expectancy and need major upgrades or replacement.
Prediction: Cities will likely need to invest heavily in “smart” sewer systems over the next few decades—networks that use sensors and data to manage flow more efficiently and prevent overflows.
The Bottom Line
Sewers represent one of humanity’s most important but least appreciated innovations. They made modern urban life possible by solving the fundamental problem of waste management on a large scale. Without this underground network, our cities and the economic and cultural benefits they provide simply couldn’t exist.
The next time you turn on a tap or use indoor plumbing, remember you’re benefiting from centuries of engineering innovation that literally built the foundation of modern civilization, one pipe at a time.
Sometimes when I’m researching articles, I find myself going down a rabbit hole. This time I went down the drain.
Have you ever wondered how the tradition of sending Christmas cards got started? It’s a story that combines busy social calendars, a new postal system, and one clever solution that became a worldwide phenomenon.
Before Christmas Cards: The Early Messengers
Long before anyone thought to mass-produce holiday greetings, people were already experimenting with seasonal messages. In fifteenth-century Germany, the “Andachtsbilder” appeared—proto-greeting cards with religious imagery, usually depicting baby Jesus, accompanied by the inscription “Ein gut selig jar” (A good and radiant year) that were presented as gifts during the Christmas season. Additionally, handwritten letters wishing “Merry Christmas” date from as early as 1534.These weren’t Christmas cards as we know them, but they laid the groundwork.
The first known Christmas card was sent in 1611 by Michael Maier, a German physician, to King James I of England and his son, with an elaborate greeting celebrating “the birthday of the Sacred King”. This, however, was an ornate document rather than a mass-produced card. The true breakthrough came much later.
In late 1700s, British schoolchildren were creating their own versions. They would take large sheets of decorated writing paper and pen messages like “Love to Dearest Mummy at the Christmas Season” to show their parents how much their handwriting had improved over the year. It was part homework assignment, part holiday greeting—definitely more practical than sentimental!
Also during the latter part of the 18th century wealthy British families adopted a more personal variant: handwritten holiday letters. These were carefully composed greetings expressing seasonal good will and family updates, often decorated with small flourishes or illustrations. A forerunner of the much maligned Christmas letter. In Victorian England—where social correspondence was almost an art form—sending letters for Christmas and New Year became fashionable among the middle class. The combination of widespread literacy and improvements in the postal system laid the groundwork for something new: a printed, affordable Christmas greeting.
The Birth of the Modern Christmas Card
The real game-changer came in 1843, thanks to a social problem that sounds remarkably modern: too many people to keep in touch with and not enough time. Henry Cole, a prominent civil servant, helped establish the Penny Post postal system—named after the cost of posting a letter. He found himself with unanswered mail piling up during the busy Christmas season. His solution? Why not create one design that could be sent to everyone?
Cole commissioned his friend, artist John Callcott Horsley, to design what would become the world’s first commercial Christmas card. The design featured three generations of the Cole family raising a toast in celebration, surrounded by scenes depicting acts of charity. The message was simple: “A Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year to You.”
About 2,050 cards were printed in two versions—a black and white version for sixpence and a hand-colored version for one shilling. Interestingly, the card caused some controversy. The image showed young children enjoying glasses of wine with their family, which upset the Victorian temperance movement.
The Penny Post, introduced in 1840, made mailing affordable and accessible. What started as Cole’s time-saving solution quickly caught on among his friends and acquaintances, though it took a few decades for the tradition to really explode in popularity.
Crossing the Atlantic
Christmas cards made their way to America in the late 1840s, but they were expensive luxuries at first. In 1875, Louis Prang, a German-born printer who had worked on early cards in England, began mass-producing cards in America. He made them affordable for average families. His first cards featured flowers, plants, and children. By the 1880s, Prang was producing over five million cards annually.
Christmas cards spread rapidly with improvements in both postal systems and printing. Victorian cards often featured sentimental, elaborate images—sometimes anthropomorphic animals or unexpected motifs. The Hall Brothers Company (later Hallmark) shifted the format to folded cards in envelopes rather than postcards, allowing for more personal written messages—setting the standard still seen today.
The 20th century brought both industrialization and personalization to the Christmas card. Advances in color printing, photography, and mass marketing meant that cards became cheaper and more varied. In the 1920s and 1930s, families began sending cards featuring their own photographs, a tradition that gained momentum after World War II with the rise of suburban life and inexpensive cameras. By the 1950s and 1960s, Christmas cards had become a fixture of middle-class life. Designs reflected changing tastes—from sentimental Victorian nostalgia to sleek mid-century modernism. Surprisingly, the first known Christmas card with a personal photo was sent by Annie Oakley in 1891using a photo taken during a visit to Scotland.
Christmas Cards Around the World Today
Fast forward to today, and Christmas card traditions vary wildly depending on where you are. In Great Britian and US, sending cards remains a major tradition. British people send around 55 cards per year on average, with Christmas cards accounting for almost half of all greeting card sales
But the tradition looks quite different in other parts of the world. In Japan, where only about 1.5% of the population is Christian, Christmas is celebrated as a secular, romantic holiday rather than a religious one. Christmas Eve is treated similarly to Valentine’s Day, with couples exchanging gifts. While many people observe the Western custom of sending cards, these are nengajo—New Year’s cards—sent to friends, family, and business associates, expressing wishes for a happy and prosperous year.
In the Philippines, one of Asia’s most Christian nations, Christmas is celebrated with incredible enthusiasm starting as early as September, with the season officially beginning with nine days of dawn masses on December 16. Cards are part of the celebration, but they’re just one element of an extended, community-focused holiday.
In Australia, the tradition of sending handwritten Christmas cards remains popular despite the summer heat. Australian cards often feature unique imagery—Santa in shorts and sandals, or kangaroos instead of reindeer, adapting the tradition to local culture.
The Digital Shift
Today, while e-cards and social media posts have certainly cut into traditional card sales, many people still cherish the ritual of sending and receiving physical cards. There’s something irreplaceable about finding a thoughtful card in your mailbox among the bills and advertisements.
What started as Henry Cole’s practical solution to a busy social calendar has evolved into a diverse global tradition, adapted and reimagined by different cultures worldwide. Whether you’re mailing elaborate family photo cards, sending quick e-greetings, or exchanging romantic messages in Tokyo, you’re participating in a tradition that’s over 200 years old.
The wheat fields outside Auvers-sur-Oise have become one of art history’s most debated crime scenes. On the evening of July 27, 1890, Vincent van Gogh returned to his small inn, badly wounded and clutching his chest. What happened in those fields remains unsettled: did he shoot himself, as generations believed, or was he caught in some kind of accident—or even an intentional shooting by someone else?
When I first got interested in art, van Gogh grabbed me right away. His paintings felt urgent, almost breathless, as if he couldn’t get his vision out fast enough. The more I learned about his short, turbulent life, the more I wondered what forces drove that energy—and what cut it short.
How we interpret his death matters. If we see it as suicide, we reinforce the familiar trope of the “tortured genius,” a man undone by the same demons that fueled his creativity. If it wasn’t suicide, then that myth fractures, and we’re left with someone whose life ended not by fate or torment, but by chance and circumstance.
The Traditional Story: A Troubled Artist’s Final Day
For more than a century, the standard version has been simple: van Gogh, struggling with depression and recurring psychiatric crises, walked into a wheat field and shot himself. He had been living in Auvers-sur-Oise and painting furiously—roughly 70 works in 70 days. Some saw that productivity as a sign of mounting instability.
According to Adeline Ravoux, the innkeeper’s daughter, he left after breakfast and didn’t return until after dark. When police asked what happened, he reportedly said, “Do not accuse anyone. It is I who wanted to kill myself.”
Van Gogh had a long history of mental-health struggles—severe depression, psychotic breaks, even earlier suicidal behavior. His letters often carried a tone of exhaustion; in one to his brother Theo, he wrote, “The sadness will last forever.”
Theo, who died just six months later, recalled his brother saying, “I wish I could have gone away like this.”
Doctors, friends, and family at the time took all this as confirmation of suicide. The narrative of a gifted but tormented artist ending his own life fit neatly into late-19th-century ideas about genius and madness—and it has persisted ever since. The Van Gogh Museum still supports this interpretation:
The Murder Theory: A Challenge to the Old Story
The debate shifted dramatically in 2011 when Steven Naifeh and Gregory White Smith published Van Gogh: The Life. They argued the suicide story didn’t fully line up with the evidence.
Their alternative theory centers on René Secrétan, a 16-year-old local who liked to tease van Gogh and who reportedly had access to a faulty pistol. The authors note several problems with the suicide explanation:
Van Gogh rarely had access to weapons and had a stated dislike for them.
His final paintings were calm, not despairing.
He had described suicide as sinful.
He somehow walked more than a mile back to the inn after being shot.
His painting gear from that day was never found.
They speculate that Secrétan may have accidentally shot him—and that van Gogh, not wanting to ruin the boy’s life, claimed it was suicide. This remains speculation, but it’s one reason the theory caught fire.
The Forensic Debate
A 2020 study added fuel to the controversy. Researchers tested the same model of revolver and reported that a self-inflicted shot at that angle and range likely would have left powder burns—burns that weren’t noted in van Gogh’s case.
Their conclusion: the injury was “in all medical probability” inconsistent with suicide.
Critics push back, noting that van Gogh’s clothing could have blocked powder residue or that details simply weren’t recorded well in 1890. With no autopsy and no preserved clothing, much of this is still guesswork.
The Counterargument: Why Many Experts Still Reject The Murder Theory
Van Gogh scholar Martin Bailey—among others—finds the murder theory unconvincing. Key points include:
Secrétan denied shooting van Gogh when interviewed later in life.
He claimed he had left town before the incident.
It’s extremely rare for a homicide victim to insist it was suicide.
Theo, Dr. Paul Gachet, and others closest to the situation all believed it was self-inflicted.
Van Gogh’s burial outside the Catholic cemetery was itself a sign the community accepted suicide—something they would likely have resisted if foul play had been suspected.
What We Actually Know
Despite a mountain of theories, only a handful of facts are certain:
Van Gogh was shot in the chest on July 27, 1890.
He survived for about 30 hours and died on July 29.
No autopsy was performed.
The weapon was never recovered.
His art supplies from that day disappeared.
He left no suicide note.
Everything else rests on testimony, conjecture, and the limits of 19th-century medical documentation.
Why This Debate Matters
The dispute has moved far beyond academia. Films like Loving Vincent (2017) and At Eternity’s Gate (2018) lean into the accident/murder theory. The discussion reflects a broader cultural question: why do we romanticize suffering when we talk about creativity?
If we assume suicide, we risk locking van Gogh into the stereotype that great art comes only from great pain. If we assume an accident, we open the door to imagining a different future—one where he kept painting, evolving, maybe even recovering.
Could Modern Forensics Solve It?
Some researchers want to exhume van Gogh’s remains to analyze the wound using modern techniques. Proponents argue that even degraded bone might show clues about firing distance or angle. That said:
It would require major legal and ethical approval.
There’s no guarantee the remains would provide answers after 130+ years.
At this point, it remains an academic long shot.
The Bottom Line
Most major institutions still support the traditional suicide explanation. But alternative theories—especially the forensic questions—have made the old story less airtight than it once seemed.
The most honest conclusion is also the least satisfying—we may never know exactly what happened in that wheat field. Too much evidence is missing, and too much time has passed. What remains is a mystery as layered and emotional as the brushstrokes he left behind.
The Continental Navy, established during the American Revolution, represented the colonies’ first organized attempt to challenge British naval supremacy. Though vastly outnumbered and outgunned by the Royal Navy, this fledgling force played a crucial role in securing American independence through daring raids, strategic disruption of British supply lines, and pivotal battles that helped turn the tide of war.
Congressional Acts and Political Support
The Continental Navy’s creation stemmed from military necessity rather than long-term naval planning. On October 13, 1775, the Continental Congress passed the first naval legislation, authorizing the fitting out of two vessels to intercept British supply ships carrying munitions to loyalist forces. This modest beginning expanded rapidly when Congress passed additional acts on October 30, 1775, calling for the construction of thirteen frigates and establishing the foundation of American naval power.
The Navy’s primary champions in Congress came from maritime colonies that understood sea power’s importance. John Adams of Massachusetts emerged as the Navy’s most vocal advocate, arguing that naval forces were essential for protecting American commerce and challenging British control of coastal waters. Recognizing that their states’ economic survival depended on maintaining sea access Samuel Chase of Maryland and Christopher Gadsden of South Carolina (designer of the Gadsden Flag) also provided crucial support. Rhode Island’s Stephen Hopkins, whose state had a rich maritime tradition, consistently voted for naval appropriations and expansion.
Opposition came primarily from other southern agricultural colonies that viewed naval expenditures as wasteful diversions from land-based military needs. Virginia’s delegates, despite their state’s extensive coastline, often questioned the wisdom of directly challenging Britain’s naval supremacy. These political divisions reflected deeper disagreements about military strategy and resource allocation during the war.
Ship Acquisition and Fleet Development
The Continental Navy acquired vessels through multiple methods, reflecting the revolution’s improvisational nature. Congress initially authorized the purchase and conversion of merchant ships, transforming trading vessels into warships through the addition of cannons and other military equipment. The frigates Cabot and Andrew Doria began as merchant vessels before receiving naval modifications.
New construction was the Navy’s most ambitious undertaking. The thirteen frigates authorized in 1775 were built in shipyards from New Hampshire to Georgia, spreading construction contracts across multiple colonies to ensure political support and reduce vulnerability to British attacks. These ships, including the Hancock and Randolph—named after prominent patriots to increase support—varied in size from 24 to 32 guns and represented state-of-the-art naval architecture.
Captured British vessels were also added to the fleet. American naval forces seized numerous enemy ships during the war, with some converted to Continental Navy service. The most famous capture occurred when John Paul Jones took HMS Serapis during his epic battle aboard Bonhomme Richard, though ironically, his own ship sank shortly after the victory.
Private vessels operating under letters of marque also supplemented the official navy. These privateers, while not technically part of the Continental Navy, operated under congressional authorization and contributed significantly to disrupting British commerce. Although, many considered privateers to be little more than questionably legal piracy.
Officer and Sailor Recruitment
Recruiting qualified officers proved challenging for a nation lacking naval traditions. Congress appointed many officers based on political connections and regional representation rather than solely on maritime experience. However, several appointees possessed substantial seafaring backgrounds. John Paul Jones, a Scottish-born merchant captain, brought extensive seafaring experience. Esek Hopkins, the Navy’s first commander-in-chief, had commanded privateers during the French and Indian War.
Other members of the officer corps reflected colonial society’s diversity. Captains came from various backgrounds, including merchant marine service, privateering, and even some Royal Navy officers. Congress attempted to maintain geographic balance in appointments, ensuring that all colonies felt represented in the naval leadership.
Sailor recruitment proved more difficult. The Continental Navy competed with privateers, merchant ships, and the army for manpower. Privateering offered potentially greater financial rewards through prize money, making it difficult to attract sailors to regular naval service. The navy relied on bounties, promises of prize shares, and appeals to patriotism to fill crew rosters.
Many sailors were drawn from coastal communities with maritime traditions. New England provided the largest contingent, given its extensive fishing and merchant fleets. However, the navy also recruited inland farmers, artisans, and even some former British naval personnel who had deserted or been captured.
The Continental Navy rarely resorted to impressment which was little more than kidnapping, though the few sailors who were impressed were paid and usually were released after completion of a single voyage.
Major Naval Battles and Strategic Impact
The Continental Navy’s most famous engagement occurred on September 23, 1779, when John Paul Jones commanding the Bonhomme Richard fought the HMS Serapis off the English coast. During this brutal three-and-a-half-hour battle the British called upon Jones to surrender and he reportedly replied, “I have not yet begun to fight!” His eventual victory provided a massive morale boost and international recognition of American naval capabilities.
The capture of New Providence in the Bahamas during March 1776 marked the navy’s first major operation. Esek Hopkins led a fleet of eight vessels in this successful raid, seizing gunpowder and military supplies desperately needed by Washington’s army. This victory demonstrated the navy’s potential for strategic operations beyond American coastal waters.
Naval battles along the American coast proved equally significant. The Delaware River battles of 1777 saw Continental Navy vessels attempting to prevent British naval forces from supporting the occupation of Philadelphia. Though ultimately unsuccessful, these engagements delayed British operations and demonstrated American willingness to contest enemy naval movements.
The most strategically important naval operations involved disrupting British supply lines and commerce. Continental Navy vessels captured hundreds of British merchant ships, depriving the enemy of supplies while providing America with desperately needed materials. These operations forced Britain to divert warships from other duties to provide convoy protection, reducing pressure on American forces ashore.
The Continental Navy also operated in partnership with French forces after the 1778 alliance. Joint operations extended American reach and contributed to key turning points in the war. French naval victories, especially at the Battle of the Chesapeake in 1781, indirectly sealed the fate of Cornwallis’s army at Yorktown by cutting off British reinforcements. Although this victory was French, it fulfilled the strategic vision the Continental Congress had first imagined in 1775—a sea power capable of shaping the war’s outcome.
Great Lakes Naval Operations
During the Revolution, both sides recognized the Great Lakes’ strategic importance for controlling the northwestern frontier. The British maintained naval superiority on these waters through their base at Detroit and control of key shipbuilding facilities. American forces attempted to challenge this dominance through the construction of small naval vessels on Lake Champlain and other waterways.
The most significant Revolutionary War naval action on inland waters occurred on Lake Champlain in October 1776. Benedict Arnold, commanding a small American fleet built on site, engaged a superior British force in a desperate delaying action. Though Arnold’s fleet was largely destroyed, the battle forced the British to postpone their invasion plans until the following year, providing crucial time for Americans to consolidate defenses and contributing to the American victory at Saratoga.
Trials and Transformations
Despite its courage, the Continental Navy faced constant hardship. Its ships were outgunned, its officers underpaid, and its crews plagued by desertion and disease. Many vessels were captured or scuttled to avoid seizure. The Alfred, the Navy’s first flagship, was taken by the British in 1778; others, like the Reprisal and Lexington, were lost at sea.
After the Treaty of Paris (1783), Congress was burdened by debt and saw no need for a standing blue-water navy. The last remaining ship, USS Alliance, was sold on August 1, 1785, marking the formal end of the Continental Navy, two years after the Revolutionary War ended.
It was not long before increasing attacks on American merchant ships by Barbary corsairs pushed Congress to pass the 1794 Naval Act, authorizing construction of six frigates. This was the first step in rebuilding the naval force, though it wasn’t yet a fully independent service.
On April 30, 1798, Congress created the Department of the Navy, taking naval affairs out of the War Department and officially re-establishing the United States Navy as a separate, permanent institution.
Legacy and Impact on Revolutionary Success
The Continental Navy’s impact on the Revolutionary War extended far beyond what its modest size might suggest. By challenging British naval supremacy, even unsuccessfully at times, the Continental Navy forced Britain to maintain large fleet deployments in American waters, reducing British naval availability for operations elsewhere and increasing the war’s cost.
More importantly, Continental Navy operations helped secure the French alliance that proved decisive in achieving independence. French officials were impressed by American naval courage and potential, viewing the Navy as evidence of serious commitment to independence. Naval victories like Jones’s triumph over HMS Serapis provided powerful propaganda tools for American diplomats seeking European support.
The Continental Navy also established important precedents for American naval development. The officer corps trained during the Revolution provided leadership for subsequent naval expansion. Naval yards and facilities developed during the war became foundations for future fleet construction.
Despite its relatively small size and limited resources, the Continental Navy demonstrated that determined naval forces could challenge even the world’s most powerful fleet. Through courage, innovation, and strategic thinking, America’s first navy helped secure the independence that made possible the nation’s eventual emergence as a global naval power. The lessons learned and traditions established during these formative years continued to influence American naval development long after the Revolution’s end.
I don’t know about you, but I can’t get moving in the morning without a cup of coffee—or, if I’m honest, about three. Coffee has been a faithful companion through late nights and early mornings for most of my adult life.
I’ve written about it before, but there’s one story I’ve never shared—the time coffee actually sent me to the hospital.
A Pain in the Chest (and a Lesson Learned)
It happened not long before I turned forty. Back then, forty felt ancient. I started getting chest pains bad enough to send me to a cardiologist. After a battery of expensive tests, he said, “I don’t know what’s causing your pain, but it’s not your heart. Go see your family doctor.”
Problem was, I didn’t have one. (This was before I thought seriously about medical school.) So, I found a doctor, went in for a full workup, and after all the poking and prodding he casually asked, “How much coffee do you drink?”
“About eight cups a day,” I told him.
He raised an eyebrow. “You need to stop that.”
I asked if he really thought that was the problem. He didn’t hesitate—“Absolutely.”
This was before anyone talked much about reflux, at least not the way we do now. But I quit coffee cold turkey, and just like that, the chest pain disappeared.
These days I’ve learned my limit: three cups in the morning, and that’s it. Any more and the reflux reminds me who’s in charge.
It’s funny how something so simple can be both a comfort and a curse. Still, for all its quirks, I wouldn’t trade that first morning cup for anything.
From Goats to Global Obsession
My little coffee story fits neatly into a much older one. For centuries, coffee has stirred passion and controversy in equal measures. Its history is full of smuggling, religion, politics—and even the occasional threat of beheading.
The story begins in the Ethiopian highlands, in a region called Kaffa—possibly the origin of the word coffee. Wild Coffea arabica plants grew there long before anyone thought to roast their seeds.
According to legend, around 850 CE a goat herder named Kaldi noticed his goats acting wildly energetic after eating the red berries. We will never know if Kaldi was real or just a great marketing story.
By the 1400s Yemeni traders brought coffee plants from Ethiopia across the Red Sea to Yemen. The first recorded coffee drinker was Sheikh Jamal-al-Din al-Dhabhani of Aden, around 1454. He and other Sufi mystics used the brew to stay alert during long nights of prayer—a kind of early spiritual espresso shot.
Coffee and the Muslim World
By 1514, coffee had reached Mecca and through the early 1500s it spread across Egypt and North Africa, beginning in the Yemeni port of Mocha (yes, that Mocha). Coffeehouses—qahveh khaneh—sprang up everywhere. They were the original social networks: lively centers for news, politics, debate, and gossip, often called “Schools of the Wise.”
Coffee also had its critics. Some Muslim scholars debated whether it was halal, arguing that its stimulating effect made it suspiciously close to an intoxicant.
The governor of Mecca banned coffee altogether, calling coffeehouses hotbeds of sedition. Thirteen years later the Ottoman sultan lifted the ban, recognizing that you can’t outlaw people’s favorite drink. Similar bans came and went—including one by Sultan Murad IV in the 1600s, who reportedly made drinking coffee a capital crime. It didn’t work. Coffee had already conquered the Middle East.
Europe’s Complicated Love Affair
When coffee reached Europe—most likely through Venetian traders—it faced new suspicion. To many Europeans, coffee was “the drink of the infidel,” something foreign and threatening.
Some Catholic priests went so far as to call it “the bitter invention of Satan” or “the wine of Araby”. The issue was both secular and theology—wine played a central role in Christian ritual and Muslims, forbidden to drink wine, had elevated coffee to their own social centerpiece.
Then around 1600 Pope Clement VIII joined the debate. Instead of banning coffee, he decided to try it first. The story goes that he found it so delicious he “baptized” it, declaring it too good to leave to the infidels.
True or not, coffee won papal approval—and from there, Europe was hooked. Coffeehouses spread like wildfire.
In England, they were called “penny universities” because for the price of a penny (the cost of a cup), you could join conversations on politics, science, and philosophy. Coffeehouses became the fuel of the Enlightenment—an alternative to taverns and alehouses. King Charles II tried to ban them in 1675, fearing they encouraged sedition, but public outrage forced him to back down.
The Global Takeover
For a long time, Yemen held a monopoly on coffee exports, carefully boiling or roasting beans to prevent anyone from planting them elsewhere. But where there’s money there’s smuggling.
The Dutch managed to steal a few live plants and in 1616 and began to grow them in Ceylon and Java—hence the nickname “java.” The French followed suit, planting coffee across the Caribbean. One French officer famously smuggled a single seedling to Martinique in 1723; within fifty years, it had produced over 18 million trees.
Brazil entered the scene in 1727 when Francisco de Melo Palheta snuck seeds out of French Guiana. Brazil’s climate proved perfect, and before long, it became the world’s coffee superpower.
The Bitter Truth
Coffee’s global spread had a dark side. Its plantations across the Caribbean and Latin America were built on enslaved labor. The beverage that fueled Enlightenment discussion in Europe was produced through brutality and exploitation in the colonies.
That’s the paradox of coffee—it has always been both a social leveler and a symbol of inequality.
Why It Still Matters
From Ethiopia’s wild forests to Ottoman coffeehouses, from Parisian salons to Brazilian plantations, coffee’s story mirrors the forces that shaped our modern world—trade, religion, colonization, and globalization.
That cup you’re sipping this morning connects you to centuries of human ingenuity, faith, conflict, and resilience.
Your latte isn’t just caffeine—it’s history in a cup.
Understanding Classical Socialism, Democratic Socialism, and Social Democracy in Today’s America
If you’ve ever wondered what politicians really mean when they throw around words like “socialism” or “social democracy,” you’re not alone. These ideas used to live mostly in political theory textbooks. Now they show up in campaign speeches and social media debates. With figures like Bernie Sanders and groups like the Democratic Socialists of America bringing these ideas into the mainstream, it’s worth sorting out what each actually means.
Even though classical socialism, democratic socialism, and social democracy all claim to focus on fairness and reducing inequality, they take very different routes to get there. Understanding those differences helps make sense of what’s really being argued about in American politics today.
Classical Socialism: The Original Blueprint
Classical socialism came out of the 19th century, when industrial capitalism was grinding workers down and a couple of guys named Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels thought they had the fix. Their idea: workers should collectively own and control the means of production — factories, land, and major industries.
This wasn’t just about taxing the rich. It was about redesigning the whole system from the ground up, through violent revolution if necessary. In theory, private property creates exploitation; collective ownership ends it. In practice, that often means top-down control by the state, with economies planned from above — as seen in the Soviet Union or Maoist China.
The central ideas of classical socialism are collective ownership of big industries and central or cooperative planning instead of market competition. Production is aimed at meeting needs, not profits with the eventual goal of a classless, stateless society. Classical socialism accepts that revolution will most likely be necessary for implementation.
In theory, classical socialism wipes out worker exploitation and wealth extremes. Its central tenant is that production serves human needs, not corporate profit. In practice, it often leads to authoritarian governments, clumsy economic planning, and little room for innovation or dissent.
Would it work in America? Probably not. The U.S. has deep cultural roots in individualism and private enterprise. Replacing markets with centralized planning would clash hard with both our Constitution and national temperament.
The Siblings of Socialism
In the real world, classical socialism has produced two offsprings, the confusingly named democratic socialism and social democracy. While they share many similarities, the major difference is that democratic socialism aims to replace capitalism while social democracy has the objective of reforming capitalism and making it more humane.
Democratic socialism
Democratic socialism shares many of classical socialism’s goals but emphasizes getting there through elections — not revolution. It aims to establish central control of key parts of the economy while protecting some political freedom and most civil rights.
The vision of Democratic Socialism is collective (public) ownership of major industries like energy, transportation, manufacturing, and communications. The economy would be directed and managed by the government, but the government would be elected and it would not be an authoritarian state. It proposes that within individual industries there would be worker self-management and workplace democracy. It also proposes that there would be private sector businesses allowed on a small scale—think Mom and Pop retail. It supposes gradual reform, not a violent upheaval, while maintaining democracy and civil liberties.
There are several major drawbacks to democratic socialism. Progress can be slow, easily reversed, and still subject to bureaucratic inefficiencies. Competing globally with capitalist economies might also prove tough. To me the major drawback is how major corporations, financial institutions, and wealthy businesspeople can be convinced to peacefully hand over control of major portions of the economy to a “people’s collective”.
How it fits in the U.S.: Democratic Socialism has grown in popularity, especially among younger voters; although, it seems that many younger people seem to believe that this means making things more fair rather than supporting the reality of Democratic Socialism.
Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez wear the label proudly. Still, the idea of government control of a significant portion of the economy faces serious resistance here. Realistically, it’s more a movement that nudges policy leftward than a model ready for prime time.
Social Democracy: Capitalism with Guardrails
Social democracy takes a different track. It doesn’t want to abolish capitalism — it wants to civilize it. Think Scandinavia: private ownership, strong markets, but also universal healthcare, paid leave, and free college.
The central elements of Social Democracy are a mixed economy with both public and private sector control. In some models, there is direct government management of such public services as healthcare, energy and transportation. In other models, there remains private control of these services with a strong regulation on the part of the government.
Regardless of the chosen model, a Social Democracy is a strong welfare state with universal benefits. The definition of welfare in this context is a way of providing earned support for hard working citizens Perhaps it should be called an earned benefits state as the term welfare has a pejorative implication for some.
There is strong market regulation to prevent unfair competition, price gouging, and monopolies that are detrimental to public good. There is a progressive tax program designed to reward productivity while heavily taxing passive or nonproductive income. These taxes are used to fund generous public services.
The government remains elective and responsive to the public. It’s proven to work. Nordic countries show that capitalism can coexist with equality and innovation. While it is expensive, and high taxes can be a political lightning rod, it leaves capitalism’s basic structure intact. There is a constant risk that inequality can creep back if protection weaken.
In the U.S. context: Social democracy may be the most realistic option. As social scientist Lane Kenworthy puts it, America already is a social democracy — just not a particularly generous one. We’ve got Medicare, Social Security, public education — we just underfund them compared to our European cousins. The reality is that income lost to increased taxation is regained through decreases in insurance premiums, healthcare costs, education expenses and retirement expenses.
With Elon Musk on the cusp of becoming the world’s first trillionaire we have to ask: “How much is enough before they accept their social responsibility to the working people that made their wealth possible?” The bottom line is that when the ultra-wealthy are required to pay their fair share of taxes, public services become affordable. We should be supporting people, not yachts.
What’s Realistically Possible Here?
Culturally, Americans value freedom, competition, and property rights. Yet polls show younger voters are warming up to “socialism,” even if most don’t seem to be clear about the specifics. Institutionally, the U.S. political system makes sweeping change tough. Our winner-take-all elections favor a two-party system that leaves little room for socialist parties to grow independently.
Democratic Socialism may continue to shape the conversation, but full socialism — especially the classic Marxist kind — is not likely to take hold here. From my perspective, the most realistic option, Social Democracy is too often overlooked in these discussions.
Given that, the path of least resistance looks like expanded Social Democracy: things like a revised and equitable tax code, universal healthcare, free or subsidized higher education, paid family leave, stronger labor laws, and public investment in infrastructure and green energy.
Social Democracy looks like the most attainable path — not a revolution, but an evolution toward a fairer society. Only time will tell.
When most people think of the American Revolution, they picture Continental soldiers marching across snowy battlefields or patriot militias defending their homes. But there’s another group that played a crucial role in securing American independence: the Continental Marines. These amphibious warriors served in America’s nascent naval force and proved their worth on both land and sea during the eight-year struggle for independence.
The Continental Marines, established in 1775, served as America’s first organized marine force during the Revolutionary War before being disbanded in 1783, laying the foundation for what would eventually become the modern U.S. Marine Corps. Though short-lived, the original Marine Corps played a significant role in America’s fight for independence, setting precedents that the modern Marine Corps still honors today.
The Legislative Foundation
By the fall of 1775, the American colonies were no longer engaged in mere protest—they were in open rebellion against the British Empire. Battles had already been fought at Lexington, Concord, and Bunker Hill. The Continental Congress, led by figures like John Adams, had begun to organize a Continental Army under George Washington’s command. But many in the Congress, especially Adams, believed a navy was also essential to challenge British power at sea and disrupt its supply lines.
With a navy, it was reasoned, must come Marines—soldiers trained to serve aboard ships, conduct landings, enforce discipline, and fight in close quarters during boarding actions. This model was based on the British Royal Marines, a corps with a long and respected tradition.
The Continental Marines came into existence through a resolution passed by the Second Continental Congress on November 10, 1775. This date, which Marines still celebrate today as their birthday, marked a pivotal moment in American military history.
The Continental Marine Act of 1775 decreed: “That two battalions of Marines be raised consisting of one Colonel, two lieutenant-colonels, two majors and other officers, as usual in other regiments; that they consist of an equal number of privates as with other battalions, that particular care be taken that no persons be appointed to offices, or enlisted into said battalions, but such as are good seamen, or so acquainted with maritime affairs as to be able to serve for and during the present war with Great Britain and the Colonies.”
The legislation was part of Congress’s broader effort to create a Continental Navy capable of challenging British naval supremacy. The resolution was drafted by future U.S. president John Adams and adopted in Philadelphia. This wasn’t just about creating another military unit—Congress recognized that naval warfare required specialized troops who could fight effectively both on ships and on shore. The concept wasn’t entirely new—European navies had long employed marines for similar purposes—but the Continental Marines represented America’s first organized attempt to create a professional amphibious force, though the term amphibious didn’t come into use in a military setting until the 1930s—they would likely have been informally referred to as a naval landing force.
Recruitment: From Taverns to the Fleet
The recruitment of the Continental Marines has become the stuff of legend, particularly the story of their traditional birthplace at Tun Tavern in Philadelphia. Though legend places its first recruiting post at Tun Tavern, historian Edwin Simmons surmises that it may as likely have been the Conestoga Waggon [sic], a tavern owned by the Nicholas family. Regardless of which tavern served as the primary recruiting station, the Marines can claim the unique distinction of being the only military branch “born in a bar”.
The first Commandant of the Marine Corps was Captain Samuel Nicholas, and his first Captain and recruiter was Robert Mullan, the owner of Tun Tavern. Samuel Nicholas, a Quaker-born Philadelphia native and experience mariner, was commissioned on November 28, 1775, becoming the Continental Marines’ senior officer and only commandant throughout their existence. While his background as a Philadelphia tavern keeper may seem unusual for a military leader, his connections in the maritime community proved invaluable for recruiting. The requirement for maritime experience shaped the character of the force from its inception.
The Marines faced immediate recruitment challenges. Originally, Congress envisioned using the Marines for a planned invasion of Nova Scotia. They expected the Marines to draw personnel from George Washington’s Continental Army. However, Washington was reluctant to part with his soldiers, forcing the Marines to recruit independently, primarily from the maritime communities of Philadelphia and New York.
By December 1775, Nicholas had raised a battalion of approximately 300 men, organized into five companies, though this fell short of the original plan for two full battalions. Robert Mullan, helped to assemble the fledgling fighting force. Plans to form the second battalion were suspended indefinitely after several British regiments-of-foot and cavalry landed in Nova Scotia, making the planned naval assault impossible.
Organization for Dual Service
The Continental Marines were organized as a flexible force capable of serving both aboard ships and on land. For shipboard service, Marines were organized into small detachments that could be distributed across the Continental Navy’s vessels. Their organization reflected their multi-purpose mission: they served as security forces protecting ship officers, repelling boarders and joining boarding parties during naval engagements, and as assault troops for amphibious operations. Marksmanship received particular emphasis—a tradition that continues to this day—as Marines often served as sharpshooters in naval engagements, targeting enemy officers and sailors from the rigging and fighting tops of ships.
During the Revolutionary War, the Continental Marines uniform directives specified a green jacket with white facings and cuffs. However, when the first sets of uniforms were actually ordered and delivered, red facings were substituted for white. The likely reason was supply availability: red cloth was easier to obtain from Continental or captured British stores. The most authoritative description comes from Captain Samuel Nicholas, who wrote from Philadelphia in 1776 that Marines were outfitted in “green coats faced with red, and lined with white”
The uniform also included a high leather collar, or stock, to ostensibly protect the neck against sword slashes, although there is some evidence that may actually have been intended to improve posture. This distinctive uniform item helped establish their identity as an elite force and eventually lead to their treasured nickname “leathernecks”.
Shipboard Service and Naval Operations
The Continental Marines’ role aboard ship was multifaceted and crucial to naval operations. Their most important duty was to serve as onboard security forces, protecting the captain of a ship and his officers. During naval engagements, in addition to manning the cannons along with the crew of the ship, Marine sharp shooters were stationed in the fighting tops of a ship’s masts specifically to shoot the opponent’s officers and crew. These duties reflected centuries of naval tradition and drew on the example of the British Marines.
The Marines’ first major naval operation came in early 1776 when five companies joined Commodore Esek Hopkins’ Continental Navy squadron, on its first cruise in the Caribbean. This deployment demonstrated their value as both shipboard security and assault troops, setting the pattern for their service throughout the war.
Major Land-Based Actions
Despite their naval origins, the Continental Marines proved equally effective in land combat. Their most famous early action was the landing at Nassau on the Island of New Providence in the Bahamas in March 1776. The landing was the first by Marines on a hostile shore. It was led by Captain Nicholas and consisted of 250 marines and sailors. After 13 Days the Marines had captured two forts, the Government House, occupied Nassau and captured cannons and large stores of supplies. While they missed capturing the gunpowder stores (which had been evacuated before their arrival), the raid demonstrated American capability to strike British positions anywhere.
Though modest in scale, this operation had a major symbolic weight and established the Marines as America’s premier amphibious force. The operation did not decisively alter the balance of the war, but it foreshadowed the Marines’ enduring identity as a seafaring, expeditionary force. Today, the Battle of Nassau is remembered less for the supplies seized than for what it represented: the moment the Continental Marines stepped onto the world stage.
Other notable operations included raids on British soil itself. In April of 1778, Marines under the command of John Paul Jones made two daring raids, one at the port of Whitehaven, in northwest England, and the second later that day at St. Mary’s Isle. These operations brought the war directly to British territory, demonstrating American reach and resolve. While the battles had no strategic impact on the outcome of the war, they were a great moral booster when reports, though largely exaggerated, reached the rebellious colonies
Official Marine Corps history also acknowledges Marine participation in the Battle of Princeton, though it wasn’t a major Marine engagement. Marines from Captain William Shippen’s company, who had been serving aboard Continental Navy ships, participated in this battle as a part of Cadwalader’s Brigade on Washington’s flank. Some Marines were detached to augment the artillery, with a few eventually transferring to the army. However, the Marines’ role was relatively minor compared to their more significant naval actions during this period.
The Gradual Decline
As the Revolutionary War progressed, the Continental Marines faced increasing challenges. Financial constraints plagued the Continental forces throughout the war, and the Marines were no exception. The Continental Congress struggled to fund and supply all military branches, and the relatively small Marine force often found itself at a disadvantage competing for resources with the larger Continental Army and Navy.
Recruitment became increasingly difficult as the war dragged on. After the early campaigns, Nicholas’s four-company battalion discontinued independent service, and remaining Marines were reassigned to shipboard detachments. Their number had been reduced by transfers, desertion, and the loss of eighty Marines through disease.
The Continental Navy also faced severe challenges that directly impacted the Marines. Many ships were captured, destroyed, or sold, leaving Marines without their primary operational platform. As the naval war shifted toward privateering and smaller-scale operations, the need for organized Marine units diminished.
Beginning in February 1777 two companies of Marines either transferred to Morristown to assume the roles in the Continental artillery batteries or left the service altogether. This transfer of Marines to army artillery units reflected the practical reality that their specialized skills were needed elsewhere as the Continental forces adapted to changing circumstances.
Disbanded at War’s End
The end of the Revolutionary War marked the end of the Continental Marines as an organized force. Both the Continental Navy and Marines were disbanded in April 1783. Although a few individual Marines briefly stayed on to provide security for the remaining U.S. Navy vessels, the last Continental Marine was discharged in September 1783.
The last official act of the Continental Marines was escorting a stash of French Silver Crowns (coins) from Boston to Philadelphia—a loan from Louis XVI to establish of the Bank of North America. This final mission, conducted in 1781, symbolically linked the Marines to the new nation’s financial foundations even as their military role ended.
The disbanding reflected broader American attitudes toward standing military forces. Having won their independence, Americans were skeptical of maintaining large military establishments that might threaten republican government. The Continental Congress, facing financial pressures and political opposition to permanent military forces, chose to disband both the Navy and Marines.
Legacy
The Continental Marines’ contribution to American independence was significant despite their small numbers. In all, over the course of 7 years of battle, the Continental Marines had only 49 men killed and just 70 more wounded, out of a total force of roughly 130 Marine Officers and 2,000 enlisted. These relatively low casualty figures reflected both their effectiveness and the limited size of the force.
Rising tensions with Revolutionary France in the late 1790s led to the Quasi-War, prompting Congress to reestablish the Navy in 1798. On July 11 of that year, President John Adams signed legislation formally creating the United States Marine Corps as a permanent branch of the military, under the jurisdiction of the Department of the Navy. This new Marine Corps inherited the traditions, mission, and esprit de corps of its Revolutionary War predecessors. Despite the gap between the disbanding of the Continental Marines and the establishment of the new United States Marine Corps, Marines honor November 10, 1775, as the official founding date of their Corps.
The Continental Marines established precedents that would shape American military doctrine for more than two centuries. The Revolutionary War not only led to the founding of the United States (Continental) Marine Corps but also highlighted for the first time the versatility for which Marines have come to be known. They fought on land, they fought at sea on ships, and they performed amphibious assaults.
The Continental Marines represented a crucial innovation in American military organization. Born from congressional resolution and tavern recruitment, these maritime warriors proved their worth in battles from the Caribbean to the British Isles. Though disbanded with the war’s end, their legacy lives on in the traditions and spirit of the modern Marine Corps. While their numbers were small and their existence brief, their impact on American military tradition proved lasting and significant.
Why We Make Promises to Ourselves Every January: The History of New Year’s Resolutions
By John Turley
On December 29, 2025
In Commentary, History
New Year’s resolutions—a practice where individuals set goals or make promises to improve their lives in the upcoming year—have a rich and varied history spanning thousands of years. While the concept of self-improvement at the start of a new year feels distinctly modern, its origins are deeply rooted in ancient civilizations and religious traditions that understood the psychological power of fresh starts.
Origins of New Year’s Resolutions
The tradition of making promises at the start of a new year can be traced back over 4,000 years to ancient Babylon. During their 12-day festival called Akitu, held in mid-March to coincide with the spring harvest and planting season, Babylonians made solemn vows to their gods. These promises typically involved practical matters like repaying debts and returning borrowed items, reflecting the agricultural society’s emphasis on community obligations and divine favor. The Babylonians believed that success in fulfilling these promises would curry favor with their deities, ensuring good harvests and prosperity in the year ahead.
The practice evolved significantly when Julius Caesar reformed the Roman calendar in 46 BCE and established January 1 as the official start of the new year. This wasn’t an arbitrary choice—January was named after Janus, the two-faced Roman god of beginnings, endings, doorways, and transitions. The symbolism was perfect: one face looking back at the year past, the other gazing forward to the future. Romans offered sacrifices to Janus and made promises of good conduct for the coming year, combining reflection on past mistakes with optimism about future improvements.
By the Middle Ages, the focus shifted dramatically toward religious observance. In early Christianity, the first day of the year became a time of prayer, spiritual reflection, and making pious resolutions aimed at becoming better Christians. One of the most colorful New Year’s traditions from this era was the “Peacock Vow,” practiced by Christian knights. At the end of the Christmas season, these knights would reaffirm their commitment to knightly virtue while feasting on roast peacock at elaborate New Year’s celebrations. The peacock, a symbol of pride and nobility, served as the centerpiece for vows promising good behavior and chivalric deeds during the coming year.
In the 17th century, Puritans brought particular intensity to the practice of New Year’s resolutions, focusing them squarely on spiritual and moral improvement. Rather than the broad promises of earlier eras, Puritan resolutions were detailed and specific. They committed to avoiding pride and vanity, practicing charity and liberality toward others, refraining from revenge even when wronged, controlling anger in daily interactions, speaking no evil of their neighbors, and living every aspect of their lives aligned with strict religious principles. Beyond these behavioral commitments, they also resolved to study scriptures diligently throughout the year, improve their religious devotion on a weekly basis, and continually renew their dedication to God. These resolutions were taken with utmost seriousness, often recorded in personal journals and reviewed regularly.
In 1740, John Wesley, the founder of Methodism, formalized this spiritual approach by creating the Covenant Renewal Service, traditionally held on New Year’s Eve or New Year’s Day. These powerful gatherings encouraged participants to reflect deeply on the past year’s failings and successes while making resolutions for spiritual growth in the year ahead. This tradition continues in many Methodist churches today.
Interestingly, the first known use of the specific phrase “New Year’s Resolution” appeared in a Boston newspaper called Walker’s Hibernian Magazine in 1813. The article took a humorous tone, discussing how people broke their New Year’s vows almost as soon as they made them—a wry observation that suggests nothing much has changed over the last 212 years.
The Modern Evolution of New Year’s Resolutions
The secularization of New Year’s resolutions accelerated during the 19th and 20th centuries as Western societies became increasingly diverse and less uniformly religious. Self-improvement and personal growth gradually took precedence over religious vows, though the underlying psychology remained similar. The rise of print media played a crucial role in popularizing the practice beyond religious communities. Newspapers and magazines began publishing advice columns on how to set and achieve goals, turning what had been a primarily spiritual practice into a secular ritual of self-betterment.
The industrial revolution and urbanization also influenced the nature of resolutions. As more people moved to cities and took on wage labor, resolutions began to reflect modern concerns like career advancement, financial stability, and managing the stress of urban life. The self-help movement of the 20th century, spurred by books like Dale Carnegie’s “How to Win Friends and Influence People” and Norman Vincent Peale’s “The Power of Positive Thinking,” further embedded the idea that individuals could transform themselves through conscious effort and goal-setting.
By the 21st century, resolutions were firmly established in Western culture as a beloved tradition of hope and renewal, no longer tied to any particular religious framework. The internet age brought new dimensions to the practice, with social media allowing people to publicly declare their resolutions, fitness tracking apps enabling data-driven self-improvement, and online communities providing support and accountability.
Common New Year’s Resolutions
Resolutions tend to reflect both cultural priorities and universal human aspirations. When researchers survey what people resolve to change, recurring themes emerge that tell us something about areas of discontent in contemporary life. Health and fitness consistently dominate the list, with millions of people vowing to lose weight, exercise more regularly, and eat healthier foods. The popularity of these goals reflects our sedentary modern lifestyles, abundant processed foods, and the cultural premium placed on physical appearance and wellness.
Personal development goals are another major category. People promise themselves they will finally learn that new skill they’ve been putting off, read more books instead of scrolling through social media, and manage their time better to reduce stress and increase productivity. These resolutions speak to a desire for intellectual growth and a nagging sense that we’re not living up to our full potential.
Financial goals also rank high on most people’s resolution lists. Many resolve to save more money for the future, pay off debts that have been accumulating, or stick to a budget instead of impulse spending. These financial resolutions often stem from anxiety about economic security and a recognition that small daily choices compound into major financial consequences over time.
Relationship and community-focused resolutions reflect our social nature and the loneliness epidemic affecting many developed nations. People vow to spend more quality time with family and friends rather than staying busy with work and distractions. They plan to volunteer and to give back to their communities in meaningful ways. They hope to strengthen the social bonds that are crucial to happiness and longevity.
Finally, breaking bad habits remains a perennial favorite. Traditional vices like smoking and excessive alcohol consumption still top many lists, but modern resolutions also target newer concerns like limiting screen time and reducing smartphone addiction. These goals acknowledge how difficult it is to maintain healthy habits in an environment designed to encourage overconsumption and instant gratification.
The Success Rate of Resolutions
Despite their enduring popularity, New Year’s resolutions are notoriously difficult to keep. Multiple studies estimate that approximately 80% of resolutions fail by February, often crashing and burning within just a few days of January 1st. The reasons for this high failure rate are both psychological and practical. Many people set overly ambitious goals without considering the realistic constraints of their lives or the sustained effort needed for meaningful change. Others make vague resolutions like “get healthier” without specific action steps or measurable milestones.
Research in behavioral psychology suggests that setting realistic, measurable, and time-bound goals—often called SMART goals (Specific, Measurable, Achievable, Relevant, and Time-bound)—can significantly improve success rates. Rather than resolving to “exercise more,” for example, a SMART goal would be “go to the gym for 30 minutes every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday morning.” The specificity provides clear direction, and the measurability allows for tracking progress and celebrating small victories along the way.
However, it’s worth noting that most people approach their New Year’s resolutions more as a fun tradition than with serious anticipation that they will actually keep them. There’s a ritualistic, almost playful quality to the practice—we know the odds are against us, but we participate anyway, embracing the hopeful symbolism of a fresh start even if we suspect we’ll be back to our old habits before Valentine’s Day.
The Significance of Resolutions Today
New Year’s resolutions persist across centuries and cultures because they align with a fundamental human desire for self-improvement and the psychological comfort of fresh starts. The appeal of marking time with calendars and treating January 1st as somehow special—despite being astronomically arbitrary—speaks to our need for narrative structure in our lives. Whether rooted in ancient Babylonian pledges to repay debts, Roman sacrifices to Janus, Christian vows of spiritual renewal, or modern goals to lose ten pounds, resolutions represent an enduring belief in the potential for change.
The tradition reminds us that humans have always struggled with the gap between who we are and who we aspire to be, and that we’ve always believed, however naively, that marking a new beginning on the calendar might help us bridge that gap. Even if our resolutions fail more often than they succeed, the very act of making them reaffirms our agency and our hope that we can become better versions of ourselves with just a bit of conscious effort.
Sources:
History.com provides comprehensive coverage of New Year’s resolution traditions: https://www.history.com/news/the-history-of-new-years-resolutions
Britannica offers detailed information on Janus and Roman New Year traditions: https://www.britannica.com/topic/Janus-Roman-god
The Smithsonian Magazine explores New Year’s countdown traditions and their historical context: https://www.smithsonianmag.com/science-nature/why-do-we-count-down-to-the-new-year-180961433/
Anthony Aveni’s “The Book of the Year: A Brief History of Our Seasonal Holidays” provides scholarly analysis of New Year’s traditions across cultures.
Kaila Curry’s article “The Ancient History of New Year’s Resolutions” traces the practice from Babylonian times through modern era.
Joshua O’Driscoll’s research on “The Peacock Vows” documents medieval chivalric New Year’s traditions, excerpted in various historical compilations.