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Category: Politics Page 5 of 7

The Origin of Juneteenth: America’s Second Independence Day

The Juneteenth flag is red, white, and blue to reflect the American flag and includes a bursting star to symbolize freedom.

On June 19, 1865, an event that would forever change American history unfolded in Galveston, Texas. Union Major General Gordon Granger stood before a crowd and read General Order No. 3, announcing that “all slaves are free.” This proclamation marked the beginning of what we now celebrate as Juneteenth, America’s newest federal holiday and a day that celebrates the fulfillment of emancipation for all enslaved people in the United States.

Delayed Freedom

The story of Juneteenth begins with a troubling gap between law and reality. President Abraham Lincoln had issued the Emancipation Proclamation on January 1, 1863, declaring freedom for enslaved people in states “…in rebellion against the United States”. However, enforcement depended on the advance of Union troops and In the Confederate state of Texas—remote and beyond Union control—the proclamation went unenforced for more than two years.  Many slaveholders deliberately withheld information about emancipation, and the absence of Union forces meant that freedom remained out of reach for thousands.

Even after the Civil War effectively ended in April 1865 with Lee’s surrender at Appomattox, news of emancipation remained deliberately suppressed in Texas. Some enslavers continued to hold people in bondage through the spring planting season.  It wasn’t until federal troops arrived in Galveston in sufficient force to ensure compliance that the promise of emancipation became reality for the last enslaved Americans.

Birth of a Celebration

The newly freed Texans didn’t wait for official recognition to begin celebrating their liberation. They called it Juneteenth, a combination of June and nineteenth and celebrations erupted spontaneously across Texas as communities gathered to commemorate their freedom with prayer, music, food, and fellowship. These early celebrations were deeply rooted in African American culture, featuring traditional foods and drinks, spirituals and folk songs, and the retelling of the freedom story to younger generations.

As African Americans moved from Texas to other parts of the country during the Great Migration, they carried Juneteenth traditions with them. Throughout the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Juneteenth celebrations grew, often featuring parades, music, food, and family gatherings. The holiday’s popularity waned during the mid-20th century but experienced a resurgence during the Civil Rights Movement, as activists sought to reconnect with their heritage and the ongoing struggle for equality.

From Regional Tradition to National Recognition

For over a century, Juneteenth was primarily a regional and cultural celebration rather than an official holiday. Texas became the first state to make Juneteenth a state holiday in 1980, other states followed gradually. The movement gained momentum in the 21st century as Americans increasingly recognized the need to acknowledge the full history of emancipation.

The nationwide racial justice protests of 2020 brought renewed attention to Juneteenth’s significance. On June 17, 2021, President Joe Biden signed legislation making Juneteenth a federal holiday, acknowledging it as both a celebration of freedom and a reminder of America’s ongoing journey toward equality.

A Day of Reflection and Celebration

Today, Juneteenth serves multiple purposes in American life. It’s a day of celebration, honoring the resilience and culture of African Americans. It’s also a day of education, reminding all Americans about the complexities of emancipation and the ongoing struggle for civil rights. Most importantly, it stands for hope—proof that progress, however delayed, is possible when people demand justice and equality. It honors the struggles and achievements of African Americans, reminding us of the enduring importance of freedom, perseverance, and hope in the face of adversity. As communities gather each year to celebrate Juneteenth, they continue the tradition of remembering the past while striving for a more inclusive and equitable future

Juneteenth stands as a testament to the truth that freedom delayed need not be freedom denied.

Juneteenth is not an official state holiday in West Virginia. In prior years, former governor Jim Justice issued a proclamation declaring Juneteenth a paid holiday for state employees. The current governor has made no such proclamation. Those who are planning the Juneteenth celebration in West Virginia have scheduled a Juneteenth parade for June 20th, West Virginia Day, which is an official state holiday.

Anti-Vax or Disease Supporter

Between June 9 and 11, 2025, HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. dismissed all 17 members of the CDC’s Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices—a body that has guided U.S. vaccine policy for about 60 years. He followed this by appointing eight new members, the minimum under the charter, including several known vaccine deniers.

In light of this, I have decided to repost an article I wrote over a year ago.  (With new artwork.)

“There are two ways to be fooled. One is to believe what is not true; the other is to refuse to believe what is true.”

– Søren Kierkegaard

Saturday morning, I was reading in the newspaper about the resurgence of measles in West Virginia. I find it appalling that this disease should be returning, given that we have safe and effective vaccinations.  What is next, polio, smallpox, or even plague?  It is only through the unexpected veto by our [former] governor that the ill-advised bill passed by our legislature to make all vaccinations optional with a little more than a request by the parents, did not become law. [The current governor has issued an executive rendering vaccinations virtually optional for school children.]

Some people may wonder why vaccinations are important. There are two principal reasons to ensure that a large portion of the population is vaccinated against communicable diseases. The first is that it reduces the individual vulnerability to disease. The person who is vaccinated is protected. But there is also a second, sometimes not well-understood, reason.  That is herd immunity.

Communicable diseases require a large susceptible population to spread. When a significant portion of the population has been vaccinated the disease does not have the core of potential victims to allow spreading. This means that the vaccinated are protecting the non-vaccinated. However, it does require a large portion of the population to be vaccinated. The idea is that herd immunity will protect those who are unable to be vaccinated either due to age, allergies, or other medical conditions that would prohibit vaccination. It is never going to protect a large proportion of the population who just choose not to be vaccinated.  For example, about 90-95% of the population needs to be vaccinated against measles to provide herd immunity.

So why do people who otherwise can be vaccinated choose not to be?

There are, of course, those who have true religious objections to vaccination.  There are others who object to vaccination on the basis of personal autonomy. They believe their right to refuse vaccination outweighs any consideration of the health concerns of the frail members of our community.

There are many who mistrust the medical system. There were some cases in the past where unethical studies were conducted on unsuspecting populations. Given the rigorous oversight of medical research now, this no longer happens. Information about research into vaccinations and their safety and efficacy can be found on websites for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the World Health Organization among others. (Website references are provided at the end of this post.)

What concerns me most are those who refuse to believe reputable medical authorities, government agencies, and mainline news services. They prefer to get their information from anonymous websites or from conspiracy theory websites that still give credence to the now-discredited 1999 study linking the MMR vaccine to autism. They completely ignore the fact that 10 of the 11 reported co-authors disavowed any part in the conclusions of the study. They also ignore the fact that the principal author was found guilty of fraud for personal gain as he was employed by the manufacturer of rival drugs. They also ignore the fact that he lost his medical license over his falsifications in this study. Yet, he is still cited in anti-vaccine literature as an expert source.

Equally disturbing is the fact that vaccine resistance has become a part of political identification. Certain reactionary political groups have, for some unfathomable reason, decided that refusing vaccination is a badge of their political allegiance.  They seem to care more about maintaining their political purity than they care about science, public health, or even the welfare of their family and friends.  Politicizing public health is dangerous for all of us.  I’m not sure how we overcome this. It is easy to find the truth and verify it through fact-based studies, yet people refuse to do it. [See my post Choosing Not To Know.]

I encourage everyone to work hard to ensure that our political leaders do not remove vaccination mandates for school children. For those of us of my age, we already have immunity through vaccination or prior exposure to the disease.  It is our grandchildren and their children and their children’s children who will suffer through the return of these deadly diseases.

Rather than “vaccine deniers,” they should be referred to as “disease supporters.”

SOURCES:

  World Health Organization: https://www.who.int/health-topics/vaccines-and-immunization#tab=tab_1

  CDC:  https://www.cdc.gov/vaccines/index.html   https://www.cdc.gov/vaccines/hcp/vis/index.html

   WV DHHR: https://oeps.wv.gov/immunizations/Pages/default.aspx

   Immunise.org:  https://www.vaccineinformation.org/

No Kings Day, June 14, 12:00 Noon, WV Capitol

Be There!

Silencing the Gavel: How the ‘One Big Beautiful Bill’ Will Undermine Judicial Review

In late May 2025, the U.S. House of Representatives narrowly passed a massive legislative package called the “One Big Beautiful Bill Act.” Touted by President Donald Trump and Republican leaders as a sweeping reform of tax policy, federal spending, and government regulation, the bill is now at the center of heated debate—not just over its fiscal and policy impacts, but also over its implications for the balance of power among the branches of government.

What the Bill Does—and Doesn’t Do

The “Big Beautiful Bill” is a reconciliation bill, meaning it can bypass the Senate’s usual 60-vote threshold and be passed with a simple majority. This process is designed to fast-track budgetary and tax legislation, but it also means the bill can only address certain policy areas directly related to the federal budget. At its core, the bill delivers major tax cuts, extends the Trump-era tax reductions, and makes permanent changes, principally reductions, to mandatory spending programs. It also includes provisions on agriculture, immigration, Medicaid, and technology, among other areas. The bill is viewed by critics as favoring the wealthy to the detriment of the poor.

Despite claims on social media, the bill does not give the president the power to delay or cancel elections. Multiple fact-checkers and legal experts have confirmed that such authority would violate the Constitution, which assigns election timing to Congress and state legislatures. The bill’s focus is on fiscal and regulatory reforms, not election administration.

While the bill ostensibly comes from Congress, it actually weakens Congress’s own institutional role in the separation of powers by removing one of the key mechanisms used by the judicial branch to enforce constitutional limits on executive power. If passed, this will be an unmitigated disaster for the Constitution and the country.

Democratic Representative Jamie Raskin called it an unprecedented power grab: “Instead of providing support for the judicial branch, this Judiciary Committee bill seeks to strip the courts of their power to hold the administration in contempt when the President violates court orders”.

The Hidden Provision: Section 70302

Buried within the bill’s 1,000-plus pages is a provision—Section 70302—that has drawn sharp criticism from legal scholars, civil rights groups, and even some lawmakers. The bill is not available for public examination, but it has been reported by the international news service Reuters that this section states that no federal court may use appropriated funds to enforce a contempt citation for failure to comply with an injunction or temporary restraining order unless the plaintiff posted a security bond when the order was issued.

Surety bonds are intended to protect the defendant in civil suits from incurring financial loss associated with legal expenses occurring from defending against frivolous or wrongful lawsuits.  If the ruling is in favor of the defendant, the plaintiff must surrender the bond to cover the expenses of the defendant.  For example, if I sue you for slander, I may have to post a cash bond and if the judge rules against me, the bond will be forfeited to cover your legal fees. If I win, the bond will be returned to me.  

Historically, courts have often waived the bond requirement, especially when plaintiffs challenge government actions as unconstitutional. The rationale is that requiring a bond would make it prohibitively expensive for individuals or groups to seek judicial relief against unlawful government conduct. Section 70302 would change this, making it much harder for courts to enforce their rulings against the executive branch or other government actors unless the plaintiff can afford to post a bond.  If this passes, it is conceivable that the administration may attempt to impose bonds of $1 million or more—effectively eliminating the ability of citizens to challenge government actions.

Why is It Important?

The federal judiciary is one of the three pillars of our constitutional government, and it plays a vital role in the balance of powers. It serves as an independent check on the executive and legislative branches, interpreting laws, resolving disputes, and safeguarding constitutional rights. Since Marbury v. Madison (1803), the judiciary has claimed the authority to strike down laws or executive actions that violate the Constitution. This power of judicial review is foundational to the principle of checks and balances. The proposed legislation seeks to shift that balance.  Among its most concerning provisions are efforts to limit judicial oversight of executive actions.

How This Shifts Power to the Executive

The practical effect of Section 70302 is to limit the judiciary’s ability to hold the executive branch accountable for violating court orders. If a judge issues an injunction to stop an unconstitutional or illegal government action, but no bond was posted when the injunction was granted, the court would be barred from using its contempt power to enforce compliance.

This provision applies retroactively, meaning it would render thousands of existing court orders unenforceable overnight. Critics argue that this creates a “catch me if you can” system, where the government can violate constitutional rights faster than courts can stop them. Legal experts warn that this undermines the rule of law and the separation of powers, which depend on the ability of courts to check executive overreach.

While the bill does not explicitly allow the executive branch to completely bypass legal challenges, it makes it much harder for courts to compel the executive to comply with their rulings. This functionally increases the executive’s authority to resist or delay judicial oversight.

Current Status of the Bill

As of early June 2025, the “One Big Beautiful Bill” has passed the House by a razor-thin margin (215-214) and is now before the Senate where Majority Leader John Thune has expressed hope that the bill could reach President Trump’s desk by the July 4 holiday, but the path forward is far from certain.

The Senate is expected to make significant modifications to the House version, and some provisions—including Section 70302—could be stripped out or revised. The reconciliation process limits what can be included in the final bill, and the Senate Parliamentarian may rule that certain provisions are not eligible for inclusion.

Why This Matters

The “One Big Beautiful Bill” is not just about taxes and spending. It represents a bold attempt to reshape the relationship between the executive and judicial branches. By limiting courts’ ability to enforce their rulings, the bill tilts the balance of power toward the executive, making it easier for the president and his administration to ignore or delay compliance with court orders.

Critics argue that this threatens the rule of law and the constitutional system of checks and balances. Supporters, however, see it as a way to prevent frivolous lawsuits and give the executive more flexibility to implement its agenda and to move closer to the unitary executive theory.

Looking Ahead

As the Senate debates the bill, watch for the fate of Section 70302. The outcome will have lasting implications for the balance of power in Washington and for the ability of courts to hold the government accountable.

For now, the “One Big Beautiful Bill” remains a work in progress. Its final form—and its impact on American governance—will depend on the compromises and changes made in the Senate over the coming weeks.

From Breaker Boys to Burger Flippers: The Resurgence of Child Labor in America

What West Virginia’s new child labor law tells us about a growing trend and a forgotten history.

📜 Introduction
In April 2025, West Virginia passed a law eliminating work permit requirements for 14- and 15-year-olds and opening hazardous occupations to older teens. It’s a policy shift that echoes a much darker chapter of American history—one most of us thought was long behind us.

As I read the news, I couldn’t help but recall Lewis Hine’s haunting photos of the “Breaker Boys”—children as young as eight sorting coal in dangerous conditions. Their faces were the face of American industry at its most exploitative. Their plight helped spark the labor reforms we now take for granted.

But are those reforms at risk of unraveling?


🕰 A Brief History of Child Labor in America
At the turn of the 20th century, over two million American children worked long hours in factories, coal mines, and fields. Some were as young as five. The wages were low, the conditions dangerous, and the toll—educational, emotional, and physical—immeasurable.

Most of these children came from poor or immigrant families. Factory and mine owners favored child labor because it was cheap, compliant, and expendable.


⚖️ Early Reforms and Legal Battles
The reform movement gained traction in the early 1900s thanks to activists, labor unions, and journalists. The National Child Labor Committee, founded in 1904, worked with photographers like Lewis Hine to expose the brutality of child labor to the American public.

Attempts to legislate federally met fierce resistance. The Keating-Owen Act (1916) was struck down by the Supreme Court in Hammer v. Dagenhart (1918), and a second effort was defeated in 1923. It wasn’t until the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) of 1938 that the federal government established real guardrails:

  • Prohibited employment under 16 in manufacturing/mining
  • Banned hazardous work under 18
  • Limited working hours for minors
  • Authorized federal inspections

The FLSA marked the beginning of consistent national protections for working children.


🎓 Child Labor and Education: A Damaging Tradeoff
There’s a well-documented tradeoff between child labor and education:

  • Working children attend school less, perform worse, and are more likely to drop out.
  • Child labor perpetuates intergenerational poverty.
  • Education access is key to breaking this cycle—but only if children aren’t too exhausted or endangered to learn.

Even today, agricultural labor laws allow children as young as 12 to work long hours, especially among migrant families. These children have some of the country’s highest school dropout rates.


📉 Modern Rollbacks: A Disturbing Trend
Since 2021, over a dozen U.S. states have proposed or passed laws rolling back child labor protections, often citing labor shortages or “career readiness”:

  • Arkansas (2023): Removed permit and parental consent requirements for 14- and 15-year-olds.
  • Iowa: Now allows minors in meatpacking and industrial work, with waivers.
  • Kentucky: Loosened hour limits during the school year.
  • Other states: Missouri, New Jersey, New Hampshire, and others are following suit.

Critics warn that these laws open the door to exploitation, especially in lower-income communities.


🧠 Why It Matters
The repeal of child labor protections isn’t just a policy dispute—it’s a moral referendum. If child labor laws are weakened, the most vulnerable children will bear the cost, just as they did a century ago.

The lesson from history is simple: when economic hardship or political expediency trumps child welfare, it’s children who are put at risk.


📣 Final Thoughts
Public memory is short. But the bodies of exhausted child laborers buried in unknown graves and the broken educational paths of working teens are silent witnesses to the past—and a warning for the future.

If we claim to value children’s futures, our policies must reflect that—not just in schools, but in the workplace.


🔗 Sources and Suggested Further Reading

  • U.S. Department of Labor: Child Labor Provisions
  • National Child Labor Committee Archives
  • Keating-Owen Act Summary – OurDocuments.gov

Thought For Today

Robert C. Byrd and Donald Trump

A Clash of Constitutional Visions

Senator Robert C. Byrd was a West Virginia icon and it’s always risky to speculate on what a historic figure may have thought. However, many of Senator Byrd’s beliefs are well documented and I believe I can make reasonable assumptions about what he may have thought about our current political situation.  Having served in the U.S. Senate over 51 years, from 1959 until his death in 2010— he would likely have viewed Donald Trump with deep concern, particularly in light of Byrd’s reverence for constitutional process, institutional norms, and congressional authority.  He was known for his deep knowledge of Senate rules, fierce defense of the institution, and commitment to constitutional processes.

Here is my reasoned assessment of what Robert Byrd might have thought of Donald Trump, based on his record, writings, and public statements.

Byrd was a passionate constitutionalist and institutionalist. He always carried a pocket Constitution, lectured on its principles, and wrote extensively about the importance of maintaining the Senate’s independence as a check on executive power. He frequently warned against presidential overreach, even when it came from presidents in his own party.

I believe Byrd would probably have seen Trump’s frequent challenges to the separation of powers—such as ignoring congressional subpoenas, attempting to overturn the 2020 election, and asserting sweeping executive privilege—as a threat to the constitutional order.

Byrd idealized Senate decorum and was known for his formal oratory. He disliked crassness, impulsiveness, and public vulgarity. He once rebuked his colleagues for casual dress on the Senate floor.

Trump’s coarse rhetoric, personal insults, and use of Twitter to attack opponents would likely have appalled Byrd. He believed public office carried with it a solemn responsibility to elevate public discourse.  In 1999, Byrd criticized President Clinton not just for the Monica Lewinsky scandal, but for diminishing the dignity of the office.

Though Byrd was a master of local politics and brought billions in federal dollars to West Virginia, he also warned against demagoguery. He valued political rhetoric grounded in principle, not spectacle.  While Byrd might have appreciated Trump’s appeal to working-class Americans, he would likely have distrusted his populism as it comes at the expense of facts, reason, or institutional integrity.

Byrd’s own history on race is complicated. A former member of the KKK in the 1940s, he spent the latter decades of his career renouncing that association and supporting civil rights legislation. He called his early beliefs a great shame. Byrd’s political journey included dramatic personal change: from early segregationist and KKK member to a vocal supporter of civil rights and of the first Black presidential nominee, Barack Obama.  Byrd likely would have been disturbed by Trump’s equivocations after Charlottesville and by rhetoric seen as racially divisive. Byrd worked hard to overcome his past and likely would have seen such behavior as regression rather than progress.

Byrd was one of the Senate’s strongest voices against the Iraq War, citing constitutional concerns over unchecked executive power in foreign affairs. He believed Congress must assert itself in matters of war and peace.  Trump’s erratic foreign policy decisions—such as wavering defense commitments, transactional diplomacy, and overtures to authoritarian leaders—would likely have seemed reckless and unilateral to Byrd.

Senator Robert Byrd, though an institutional conservative in many ways, would likely have seen Donald Trump as a figure undermining the very traditions, checks, and civic virtues Byrd spent his career defending. His critique wouldn’t have been partisan—it would have been constitutional.

“The Constitution is not a pliable instrument to be molded and twisted at the whim of the President. It is our compass. It is our anchor.” — Robert C. Byrd

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